Chapter 11

CHAPTER XI DEATH AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES When an Ibibio chief grows old and feels that his powers are failing, he goes to the Abia Idiong, or magician priest, and states his trouble. The latter consults the oracle and then gives some such answer as the following : “ Abassi is calling. He wants you to become his priest.” On hearing this the old chief goes home full of joy and sends out invitations to his friends. When these arrive, they find a feast set ready. A cow has usually been killed, and its flesh roasted, together with many fowls. Great bowls of fu-fu, i.e. mashed yam, are prepared, while jars of palm wine are continually handed round. The house, too, has been swept and garnished, and one of the largest rooms set apart for the enthronement ceremony. At one end of this apartment a raised platform is to be seen, upon which a throne-like chair is placed. After the feast is over, the chief solemnly seats himself thereon, and is crowned by the Idiong priest with a ring of plaited tie-tie. From this ornament fish-eagle’s feathers radiate in every direction, so that it produces somewhat the effect of a nimbus, and is not unpicturesque. Over the chief’s body his attendants had previously rubbed a red paint made of camwood, ground fine,and mixed to a paste. Upon this background lines of a yellow dye, prepared much in the same way from the wood of the “ Etu Uto ” tree, are drawn. After the enthronement the guests take leave, and the chief is left with his best-loved wife and her children, or sometimes with all his wives and children, in a seclusion which may only be broken by those who have gone through 139 the same rites. Such visitors are allowed, now and again, to enter the room and express the usual complimentary greeting, “ Wobotio,” i.e. sit softly, after which they respectfully withdraw. An object necessary for the due observance of “ Inam," i.e. seclusion, as the ceremony is called, is a giant manilla formed of iron or bronze. These can no longer be bought in open market, and have become so valuable that nothing less than a cow would tempt the fortunate possessor to part with one. This object is laid in a conspicuous position in the chamber of seclusion, usually upon a little altar-like erection, and to it prayers and sacrifices are offered daily. A sad adjunct considered necessary for the due observance of the rite in former days, but now, fortunately, rendered impossible save perhaps in some few villages and compounds hidden from the eyes of Government, was the sacrifice of a slave, who was tied to a tree by throat, waist, arms and ankles, and there left to starve. The spirits of those offered in this way were thought to serve as forerunners to the realm of the dead, and inform Abassi that the old chief was preparing himself for the call when it should come. Such an one would be found waiting close to the door of the “ ghost town ” to welcome his master on arrival in the spirit world, so that the chief might not enter servantless in case his shade had outdistanced those of the victims slain for his burial rites. When a celebrant comes forth from “ Inam ” he is regarded with great respect, and it is thought that his position in the spirit world has thereby been assured. Should his life be prolonged for several years, during which enough wealth can be gathered together, further invitations are issued and the ceremony once more carried out. After this second seclusion he is looked upon as a very great man indeed, and it is thought that he will sit with Abassi as a head chief in the ghost realm. Sad, indeed, from a poor man’s point of view is the state of affairs in the spirit world. “ This is situated neither in the sky nor beneath the earth ; but side by side with the abodes of living men, from whom, however, the dead are separated by a fence, impassable to ordinary mortals.1 After journeying a while the spirit which has just left its mortal body is thought to reach the door of the ghost town. On this each new-comer must knock and await permission to enter. “ After a time the voice of Abassi is heard asking: ‘ Who knocks ? ’ “ When an answer has been given the door is opened and the suppliant bidden to enter. He finds himself in a great hall where God sits enthroned with all his big men seated around him. “ Abassi asks : ‘ What gifts have you brought ? ’ and the rich ghost answers : ‘ I bring cows, sheep, goats and fowls. Cloths also and manillas in plenty have I, together with many pots great and small; all of which have been spent on my funeral rites.’ “ To this Abassi replies : ‘ Welcome to my kingdom. A good earth-child indeed art thou, and shalt reign with me as one of my chiefs.’ “ The poor man, on the contrary, can only answer : ‘ O Abassi ! I am but a poor man and could bring you nothing but myself.’ Whereupon the deity announces in a terrible voice (according to one account) : “ ‘ Earth worm ! Since thou hast come with empty hands, thou shalt be thrown down into the world beneath the earth where all is dark for evermore.’ ” This last paragraph with much of the foregoing information was kindly given me by Mr. W. W. Eakin. It bears some appearance of having been arranged, by his informant, with a view to conformity with missionary ideas. So far as I could learn from sources as yet untouched by Christian influence, Abassi only answers : ‘ Go forth from my presence to the place of the poor and those of no account.” In any case, whether in this world or the next, the lot of humble members of the community would seem to be gloomy enough. Many a family will impoverish itself for years in order to give to its dead a sufficiently sumptuous funeral to ensure a good reception in the ghost realm. 1 By some, especially Northern Ibibio, the ghost towns are thought to be under the ground. See p. 128. Except in the case of persons of distinction, or when delay is necessary to allow of the return of an absent eldest son, interment usually takes place within twenty-four hours of death, and the corpse is not dried or embalmed. In some parts all save slaves are buried in the house or verandah, while in others this honour is confined to adults of importance. The corpse is washed with either cold or warm water, according to the local custom, and rubbed over with camwood, black vegetable dye, and, sometimes in the case of men, with chalk. It is then clad in its finest robes and all friends come and take leave of it. Among many Ibibio, by old custom, the “ best-loved ” wife and many of her fellows were killed and buried with their dead lord, but at the obsequies of a “ big ” man male slaves, sometimes bought for the purpose—their number depending upon the wealth of the family—were placed at the bottom of the grave, either alive with their arms and legs broken or after having been more mercifully clubbed to death. On their bodies was laid the corpse of the chief, tied up in mats, and set round him were from £1 to £10 worth of rods, with yams, pots of water, and his own spoon, matchet, etc. Guns and cannon were fired off, many cows and goats killed, much palm wine supplied, and a feast began which lasted up to a month, during which the members of his various clubs or secret societies came out and gave “ plays.” On the day after the burial a deep hole was usually dug at the feet of the corpse and in this another slave was buried alive, standing upright. This first burial, generally called Mkpa Owo, is followed, from six months to two years later, by the Ewonga or Usiak Ekkpo, the second burial, with which the obsequies are completed and without which the deceased is thought to be unable to take his proper position in the realm of the dead. The ceremonies and feasts last from one to four weeks; during this time the various clubs to which the dead man belonged come out, but in some parts do not again give the full “ plays ” as at first. Every one, rich or poor, male or female, has a second burial, save children or those who have no relative or friend to carry it out for them. Chief’s Memorial. Among most of the central Ibibio tribes elaborate arbourlike erections, called Ngwumaw or Ngwumu Ufak, are raised as memorials to chiefs—and in some cases to “ big ” women —in a prominent spot near the town, and are “ furnished ” with the deceased’s gun, matchet, cup and those articles most used by him in everyday life. At the back or side of these is placed what we always called a little “ Ka house,” with window or door into the central chamber, provided, as in ancient Egypt, for the abode of the dead man’s Ka or double. Figures of the chief, favourite wives, children, retainers, and slaves may also be seen—counterparts of the Ushabtiu. ^ Lesser men are merely provided with little huts containing native pots, some of beautiful shape and elaborate decoration.1 When a man of high rank in the Ekong Society dies, the body is robed in its best garments and set on a chair in a room prepared for the purpose, that friends and kinsfolk may come and do honour to the dead. Round the right wrist a long strip of white cloth is tied. This is fixed to the roof-beam ; and close to the place where it is knotted a bell and a live cock are hung, while a goat is sacrificed and laid as a footstool under the feet of the corpse. An almost identical custom is described from Bigongji in the South Cameroons, where, as sketched by one of the members of the Duke of Mecklenburg’s Expedition, the dead chief Djaolo was found sitting in a chair with his right hand tied by a cord to the roof-beam.2 At burial the body is placed in the grave upon its back ; but the right arm is stretched up at right angles, as if pointing the road back to life. It is held in this position by means of the strip of cloth tied round it while the soil is carefully filled in. It seems that the end of the strip was formerly left above ground, pegged into the earth. This is often omitted in the present day, and the reason for the custom seems to have been forgotten. It is, however, explained by a similar rite recorded by Sir E. Wallis Budge : “ Among the Moro a ligament of bark was tied to the little finger of the left hand, and the other extremity was 1 For phallic offerings in the Ngwumu see p. 275. 2 From the Congo to the Niger and the Nile, vol. ii. p. 134. drawn to the surface and there attached to a peg driven into the ground. This was to enable the dead man to communicate with his children.” 1 At the present day, when all is ended and the grave smoothed over, a strip of white cloth is laid across, the two ends firmly pegged into the ground. Such are the funeral rites for men belonging to the War Society who yet die quietly of old age or are cut off by disease. Others are ordained for those slain in actual warfare. When a man in the prime of life is killed in battle, the body is carried home to his town by the wedded women who are his next-of-kin. No man may touch the corpse. Weeping and singing sad songs it is borne by their gentle hands to a place of thick bush called Owok Afai, i.e. the forest of those slain by sudden death. The ceremonies proper to such occasions are unknown to men ; but an ancient woman was induced to confide a part, at least, to my wife.2 No maiden is permitted to be present. Only to matrons may the sad mysteries be revealed. To suicides no burial rites are accorded, though, should one have left a son, the latter might take the body and bury it secretly in an unmarked grave, far away from those of men who died in honourable ways. When there was no son to perform this last service, native law decreed that the corpse should be left in the place where death occurred. Such a case happened, a short time ago, at the village of Ntit Oton. A man named ’Nwan hanged himself from the roof-beam of his house. When the neighbours heard of this, a law was proclaimed that none should go near the desecrated dwelling. The compound was deserted and the corpse of its former owner hung from the roof-tree until decay set in. Then fire was laid to the building, which was burnt down, burying the body beneath its ruins. The young are usually laid to rest lying on the side, in an attitude of sleep, save only those undesirables whose return is not wished, the bodies of whom are placed in the grave face downward. Grown men, on the other hand, are buried lying flat upon their backs “ so that they may be able 1 Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, vol. ii. p. ioo. 2 Woman’s Mysteries of a Primitive People, p. 205. to see straight before them and soon find the way back to earth.” After the funeral “ play ” given at the death of a very old man the following rite is added. On returning to the house of mourning, the dependants of the family go down to the nearest spring and draw fresh water. This they throw upon the roof, in such a manner that it falls upon the kinsmen who have meantime taken up a position beneath the eaves. The latter crush eggs, and, after touching their foreheads with these, rub them also over their feet, praying, as the water falls drenching body and garments : “ Let us become clean, that the power may be given us to see clearly those things which we should do.” Up to a certain point, added years are looked upon as conferring honour ; but among Ibibio, especially the Efik of Calabar, it is possible to outstay one’s welcome in life’s caravanserai. Sometimes, in a family which contains a very aged member, it is noticed that strong men and women, youths and maids, pine and die off in an unaccountable way : while the ancient man, or woman, sits in the seat by the hearth, powerless to move hand or foot, or to eat any chop save such as is ground fine and placed in the mouth ; yet seeming to retain a hold on life, as if death had passed by and would never look back to summon them away. In such a case the descendants consult together and ask : “ How is it that the strongest and most beautiful among us die before our eyes, while this useless and aged one still lingers ? Maybe the strength of their young limbs and the breath of their nostrils are drawn out to keep alight the flickering flame of this old life. Let us make an end, therefore, lest we perish one by one.” Then they grind camwood very fine and, approaching the withered figure, fill up one nostril with the powder. Next, taking one of the small wooden or earthen bowls used as enemas, they blow up it through the spout-like aperture, until the aged being “ dies softly, softly, for himself.” From this practice a proverb has sprung, and old people who feel themselves neglected by children or kin often ask reproachfully, “ Do you want to blow camwood into my nose and kill me ? ” The ceremonies performed on the death of the head chief of Ikotobo may be cited as typical of those of Ibibio of importance. For most of the particulars I am indebted to Mr. Eakin. The chief appears to have been a remarkable man in every sense, a giant in build, of the finest type and of great intelligence. One day early in 1908, during the dry season, he had gone to his farm, and, while working there, burst a blood-vessel in the head. He was carried home moaning : “ Agbo, Agbo,” i.e. “ I die, I die.” Soon after reaching his compound he became unconscious, and the people, thinking that he had already passed away, raised the death wail. The news spread over the scattered farms, and as it reached each, men and women dropped the implements with which they had been working, and started running toward the house of mourning. As they ran they cried : “ Akpan Enang is dead.” The name means “ eldest son of the cow,” for the injured man was the chief of the cow totem. Hundreds of people surrounded the house, while native doctors hurried thither from every direction. With them they brought bush leaves and fruits, which were passed over the chest of the unconscious man, then blown upon through a little bone pipe, feathered at the end, and lastly flung away into the bush. This was done that the illness might be driven out of the sufferer into them, to perish as they were destroyed, leaving him whole once more. In this case, however, magic proved useless, and it was not until Mr. Eakin, who had hurried to the scene, had applied remedies, that consciousness returned. For a while the patient lingered ; but not many weeks later, called his people around him and announced that he was about to die. From far and near dependants hastened in, armed with guns and matchets to drive off the dread enemy who was attacking their lord. Their zeal proved unavailing, and, early in the morning, he passed away. The body was washed, and enthroned upon a chair set on a raised platform. According to custom it was robed in the dead man’s finest garments, and crowned with the King’s Ring, i.e. a circle of tie-tie covered with leopard’s skin. In one hand a little metal Okung—an instrument like a long flattened bell—was placed, and in the other a wooden drum-stick with which to beat it, as a sign that the dead man entered the spirit world with joy. Two cows were strangled, and these, together with twenty sheep killed in the usual manner, were laid out before the throne—the cattle exactly in front of the dead body and the sheep on the left hand. To the right, as if to balance the slaughtered animals, crouched the deceased’s twenty wives, who, a few years before, would have been buried alive with their dead lord, or slaughtered and flung into the grave. To those unaccustomed to such sights, it is difficult to describe the arresting horror of the scene when a chief sits in state before burial. In olden days the face of the corpse was hidden by a carved wooden mask, conventionalised enough, but with a certain dignity, imitating, however rudely, the golden burial masks of old Greece. Now we have shown an easier way, and the chief of to-day often sits in state and is laid to his last long rest, with features covered, not by a mask, reverently and sorrowfully carved by one of his own retainers, but by the flimsy 5th of November caricatures, introduced by some enterprising trader. Every twenty yards, between the house of mourning and the place of burial, the head and blood of a goat, sacrificed for the purpose, were to be seen upon the ground. At regular intervals, too, poles had been raised, and from these hung pieces of cloth, drooping like flags half-masted. The dead man’s wealth was brought into the central court of the compound, and there displayed under guard. In the midst was set a richly carved coffin, hollowed from a single block, and around this, before ten o’clock in the morning, gathered the members of each society to which the deceased had belonged, in order to “ play ” in his honour. Among these companies that of “ Isong,” which always gives the last performance, was particularly notice- able. Every member of this society was covered from head to foot with black pigment, and bore a young palm- leaf in his left hand and a sharp matchet in the right. The musical instruments used on this occasion, in addition to the tortoise-shell “ drum ” of the cult, were large wooden bells, played by means of a stick with which the outer surface was struck. At ten o’clock a gun was fired. On this signal, eight of the head-men came forward and seized the empty coffin, which they first carried, dancing and leaping, round the compound ; then, after the body had been placed therein, bore it to the burial-ground. Before them went the head priest of “ Egbo,” wearing a cow’s skull—the sign of the dead man’s totem. A deep wide grave had been dug, at the bottom of which rows of men stood waiting to receive the coffin. While this was being lowered, the spectators raised “ Egbo cries,” and, after it had been set in the centre, the helpers climbed up. Earth was then thrown in and stamped down very hard, to prevent the wandering ghost from coming back to disturb his kin. Thirteen carved ivory tusks had been brought forth from the house of mourning and laid in the courtyard, amid the other possessions of the dead chief. When the burial ceremonies were finished, these were carried to the home of the deceased’s brother, who then became head of the household. On the occasion described above, the presence of the “ white man ” was enough to prevent the carrying out of human sacrifices ; but there are reasons to fear that at least one slave was subsequently offered up, and buried in the absence of this restraining influence. From the native point of view, the institution of human sacrifice was the greatest, insomuch as it was the costliest, mark of respect which could be shown to the dead man. The burial above mentioned differs from that of many chiefs, in that the corpse was laid in a grave the whereabouts of which was known to all, whereas the bodies of people of importance are usually interred privately, and in a secret place. Often when a chief dies, the fact is concealed from all, save four or five of his nearest kinsmen. Two methods of procedure are open to these. Either they carry the body to a far-away part of the bush, and there bury it secretly, after which they emerge with smiling faces, as if they had been on some pleasant jaunt. For several days they keep up the pretence of visiting the chief, and receiving and transmitting messages from him to inferior folk. Meanwhile they make use of the time to summon distant kinsmen, and prepare everything for the solemnisation of the death ceremonies. For these, hundreds of bronze rods—the favourite currency of the country—are got together, with great bolts of silk, hundreds of silk handkerchiefs, ivory tusks, and manillas in heaps. Cows, sheep and goats are killed and prepared for the feast, and only when all is in readiness is the death announced. Then the women start to wail ; a coffin is carried forth, weighted to the amount proper to the deceased, and solemnly interred, though the real burial took place days before. Another method often employed is to cut down a big plantain stem as soon as the death has taken place. Very secretly this is brought to the house of mourning. Pieces are cut from it and lashed on where arms and thighs should be. Others, cunningly contrived to imitate feet and hands, are added ; then cloth is wrapped over all. The whole looks like a mummy, and the spectators are led to believe that it is the body of the dead chief. This effigy is publicly buried ; but the real corpse is carried, in secret, to a quiet grave, over which, after a short space, the bush draws its gentle veil. Here long lianes trail their lovely length, while small bush beasts lie sunning, all joined, in kind conspiracy with the dead man’s human kin, to screen his last resting-place from the eyes of those who might be driven, by hate or envy, to desecrate the grave, steal the head, or mutilate the corpse, thus strewing stumbling-blocks upon the spirit’s road to reincarnation, or robbing it of treasure provided for use in the ghost realm. That human sacrifices are still looked upon as necessary to the funeral rites of a chief, is proved by a case brought before me in the Native Court at Eket during March 1913. In this the plaintiff charged another man with the theft of a piece of his property. In the course of the evidence the following statement was made, in the most matter-of- fact manner, as if merely recounting circumstances well known to, and sanctioned by. Government : “ About ten years ago my father died. According to custom, we killed a slave and buried with him. Some years later accused went, opened the grave, and stole from it the skull of the slave. This was my property, and I therefore claim compensation for the theft.” Skulls are very valuable, as every member of the principal secret societies must possess at least one. Just before my return to England, an urgent summons came to try a gang of men, discovered, to quote the words of the Native Court clerk, “ in the act of digging out the disease.” This mysterious offence proved, on investigation, to be that of “ digging up the deceased ” for the sake of their skulls : in consequence, a gang of body-snatchers, some thirty strong, was suppressed. That such desecration is looked upon as a grave crime was proved by a case which came up in Awa Native Court on the 16th of July 1913. In this the plaintiff, Udaw ’Nwa Ikpe, stated on oath : “ Six years ago accused caught hold of his daughter, and wanted to* sell her to me as a slave ; but I refused to accept the girl under such conditions, and took her as my wife instead. Two months ago she fell ill and died ; so I washed and buried the dead woman. A few weeks later her father came and asked me to dig up the body, because he said that I had cut off the head before burial. I therefore took action against him for accusing me of such a crime.” As a general rule among these races, the deaths of the aged are regarded with equanimity. When people hear the news they say placidly, “It is time,” and turn their thoughts to ensuring the comfort of the deceased in the ghost world by giving a great “ play ” and offering many sacrifices. Till the celebrations are over, no one may sleep in the dead man’s house, even if the “ play ” should be kept up from seven to fourteen days. All this time relays of singers chant ceaselessly. They may relieve one another at intervals, but some must always be awake and singing. This is called “ keeping the ghost-house warm.” Should a young man die whose loss is felt very deeply, all the women of his house sit weeping round the coffin from sunset to dawn. None may think of sleep until after sunrise next day, and no member of the family may eat, save surreptitiously, until after the last burial rite is finished. If one child after another dies in a family—or, as most peoples here say, “ The child keeps on dying,” since it is thought to be the same soul trying to incarnate—a finger or toe is cut off or the body burnt, so that the troublesome visitor may leave the mother in peace. The bodies of all those who die from smallpox and other infectious diseases, of witches, women who have died in childbirth,1 strangers who have none to bury them, and, in some places, murderers, are thrown into a piece of bush reserved for such, called Idiokk Ikott or Ikott Ekkpo. The wraiths of these unburied persons are termed Okpaka Ekkpo or Ekkpo Afai, and are deemed to bear an enmity against all living people, but especially against their particular towns or families, on whom they often send fever, sickness, or accident.2 1 The body of the babe is not usually cut out of the mother’s womb and buried separately, as among some Ibo. 2 See also p. 130 et seq.