Chapter 12

CHAPTER XII DEATH AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES (iContinued) Below ground, the graves of Ibibio, as of many Ibo, show some resemblance to those of ancient Egypt. In olden days every member of the family, even to its most distant branches, came home for the entombment. A play was given, and after the feast the celebrants went in procession to the place where a deep wide-mouthed round pit had been dug. From the bottom of this an underground corridor, said sometimes to reach a length of thirty feet, led into a square chamber with no other outlet. In this the dead body was laid, and, after the bearers had returned to the light of day, stones were set over the pit-mouth, and earth strewn over all. Many such graves are said to exist at Managu in Aro Chuku District. Near the Ibo boundary live some people of mixed Ibo and Ibibio blood. These speak both languages, and are called Ibibio ’Nkita. Among them, also, the ceremonies above described are stated occasionally to be carried out after the death of a great chief. Rites of somewhat similar character were customary, until quite recently, among Ibibio in the west of the Eket District. The following account is given on the authority of Mr. Matthews and ’Mbong ’Mfiong Akpabio, Native Court clerk and assistant Court clerk at Awa : “ When a great chief died in this neighbourhood,” they stated, “ a deep square hole was dug, from the bottom of which a passage was hollowed out, large enough for two men to pass abreast, and ending in a kind of cupboard made in the earth, many feet wide and of equal breadth, but only three to four feet high. 152 “ Should the dead man’s family be rich, the bodies of cows and goats, slaughtered in his honour, were borne thither, and laid at the back of the space thus formed. Were they too poor to provide these and also sufficient meat for the burial feast, only the heads of the victims were laid in the grave, while their flesh was devoured by the guests. “ Next, a woman and man were led along the passage, and made to lie, the first to the right hand, the second to the left, while the corpse was laid between. This was done that the dead chief might not arrive servantless in the spirit world. “ After these had been laid in position, earth was thrown in, passage and anteroom were blocked once more, and living and dead abandoned to their fate.” It is recorded that one slave sacrificed in this way managed, by pressing against the body of the animals first laid in the grave, to edge himself a little nearer to the aperture than had been intended. The soil here, as in most parts of the District, is of sand, and no sooner did he feel sure that some feet of earth interposed between himself and those who had sacrificed him thus ruthlessly, than he began to dig away the soft deposit with his hands ; then, pushing it downwards, in time pressed it beyond his feet. Thus, while the grave was being filled in, he worked, mole wise, till the end of the passage was reached. Fortune favoured him, for darkness overtook those to whom the task had been entrusted before they could finish the work of filling up the shaft and stamping down the earth over the burial-place. Through the soft sand, therefore, he climbed upward, till he emerged once more to a world of moonlight and sweet air. Through this he fled, and was never more seen in that neighbourhood. When the grave-diggers came at dawn to finish their work, they found the earth disturbed, and, investigating the cause, learnt what had happened. “ The news spread over all the countryside, and from that day only women were left alive, since these were held too frail to threaten danger of escape. Male victims were killed, or at least had arms and legs broken, before being laid by the side of their lord.” Chief Henshaw states that at Calabar, in olden days, graves only slightly different in form were prepared for the interment of chiefs. The following is his account : “ Within the walls of the dead man’s compound, a rectangular shaft, often twenty-four feet deep, was dug, from one of the sides of which led a short tunnel. At the end of this, a large underground room was hollowed out, whither boxes upon boxes of brass rods were borne and arranged, beneath rich coverings, to serve as a bier. Next a table and some of the finest pieces of household furniture, together with jars, dishes, and bowls of old china, were carried thither and set in order. When all had been arranged, the coffin was carefully lowered down the shaft, borne through the passage and laid upon the resting-place so reverently prepared. “ Next the best-loved wife of the deceased and two of his most beautiful slaves were led into the chamber and seated upon three chairs at the feet of, and facing, the body. Between living and dead a table was placed, and on this dishes containing fine chop were set. “ The best-loved wife was in the centre and into her hands a lighted lamp was given.” Then all, save this sad trio, left the burial room. “ Boards were placed before the entrance and earth piled against these until the passage was filled up. Bolts of cloth and the less costly offerings were then laid at the foot of the shaft. Lastly, soil was thrown in and beaten down over all.” When the burial rites were over, the life of the compound went on as before ; while beneath the feet of those who laughed, wept, made love, or went about their ordinary work and play in the sunshine, the three, who had formerly shared in the general toil and gaiety, suffered a death as lingering and terrible as that of any vestal immured in her living tomb. According to the testimony of well-known chiefs, many such “ houses of the dead ” are to be found, should one dig deep enough, in those parts of Calabar inhabited in olden days by people of wealth and position. The rites still carried out for chiefs and members of the highest grade of Egbo—the principal Efik secret society— are of considerable interest. As with many other Ibibio, the death of such a man is carefully concealed by his family. Five people, near of kin or favourite “ members," are chosen out and bidden, in all secrecy, to wash the body. A great play is given, and townsfolk led to believe that the dead man’s sickness has taken a favourable turn, and that he will soon be well. No matter how sad are the hearts of those widowed or orphaned, not a tear may be shed ; all must go about gaily, playing their parts in this sad comedy. Possibly the idea underlying Ibibio custom in this matter is not unconnected with the European superstition, voiced, for instance, in the “ Ballad of the Dead Babe,” who appeared before its mother showing a dripping shroud, and complained that it could not sleep because of her constantly falling tears. Much the same belief would appear to be held by Malays, for, after the last kiss is given by one of the nearest relatives, these may on no account “ disturb the corpse by letting their tears fall upon its features." 1 It is probable that, till the funeral rites are over, the grief of those left behind may be thought to affect the dead chief on his way to the ghost realm ; just as the wives of Ibibio warriors must wear a gallant air and dance and play, that the courage of their men-folk may thus be sympathetically upheld while upon the war-path. A great point in Ibibio funeral ceremonies is to emphasise the beautiful idea that the dead enter the spirit world with joy. That is why musical instruments are so often placed in the lifeless hands. When the washing of the corpse is over, it is robed in fine garments and set in an arm-chair. Next, several coral beads are taken, of a size such as, in olden days, would have each cost the price of a man. These are ground up, and the powder thus obtained is rubbed over the face of the dead. Then the largest piece of coral that remains to the family, usually one of those cubes which rich natives buy for their women at almost any price, is inserted between the closed teeth and the cheek, on the right side of the mouth. No reason could be given for this custom save the 1 Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 401. usual: “ Thus it was done by our fathers and therefore we also do it.” The head is shaved in elaborate patterns, such as those in which young girls clip their close-curling hair, and of which such a variety of design was found among the Ekoi.1 Next, the chin is swathed in folds of the softest and most costly silk obtainable. Red powder, made from the camwood tree, and yellow, formed of Ogokk wood, are brought in, and by this means the body of the dead chief is marked with the signs of the Egbo grades through which he had passed, starting from the lowest. Two of the intermediate grades are usually missed out on this occasion, as, though membership of these is a necessary prelude to admittance into the highest circle, that of ’Nkanda, they are of little importance in themselves. In token that the dead man was initiated into the mysteries of the last-named grade, peacocks’ feathers are fixed around his head, forming a nimbus-like crown. In such state the dead chief sits for an hour or more, while the nearer kinsmen, and men of highest rank in the family, are brought before him, as though holding a last reception. When the visitors leave, a couch is borne in, upon which a mattress, hidden beneath silk coverlets, has been placed. On this the body is laid, its head resting on embroidered pillows, while long lengths of fine silk, placed one over another five, six, or even seven deep,2 are drawn over all. More distant kinsmen, and those of lesser importance, are then permitted to pay their respects to the dead. Meantime, until the vigilance of Government prevented burials within the compounds, a grave fourteen to fifteen feet deep was dug in one of the rooms. Not many years ago this was an almost universal custom in the case of people of wealth and position ; but now it can only be carried out in farm plantations, whither, therefore, many chiefs order themselves to be carried when they feel the first symptoms of approaching death. Boxes of brass rods, 1 In the Shadow of the Bush, p. 318 et seq. 2 Cf. the seven pieces of cloth laid over the corpses of wealthy Malays, Skeat, op. cit. sometimes as many as fifty in number, form the floor. A coffin was prepared, damask-lined, and with plumes of ostrich and peacocks’ feathers at the four corners. In this the dead chief was reverently laid. Under his head, the bottom part of an ancient double pan of beaten brass or copper was placed, while, above, the upper part was set, so that as the head rotted from the trunk, it would fall between the bowls, which would then come together and enclose it. Cords made of long lengths of knotted cloth were placed beneath the coffin, that it might be ready for lowering. At this point women, children, non-Egbo members, and indeed all but those of the highest grade of the society were sent away. Then, privately, the Egbo Images were brought, especially the one that cries in a voice somewhat like the sound of a bull-roarer, yet different—the secret of producing which none but ’Nkanda members may know. To the sound of this mysterious wailing cry, the coffin is lowered “ softly, softly,” while the Egbo laments for his lost son. So soon as the bier is let down to rest upon the boxes, the wailing ceases. The ends of knotted cloth are thrown down. Bolts of silk and cotton, with jars, dishes and bowls of fine china, are laid above. Then the earth is filled in, gently at first, so as not to injure the offerings ; but afterwards less and less carefully, till the whole is made level with the floor. When this has been done and the ground beaten smooth and hard, the Egbo Image stands above, voicing his mysterious cry once more, in a last farewell. After a while he departs with all his companions ; then the women of the household come back, and, kneeling, smooth the least roughness from above the grave, till the surface looks like that of new pottery. Next, everything is set in order within the house, and a messenger sent to the less important of the townsfolk, who, till now, had been kept in ignorance, with the tidings, “ The chief is ailing.” At once, on hearing this, word flies from lip to lip, for all men know, from this announcement, that he is dead and buried, and all is over. Next day comes the word, “He is now very ill.” At nine o’clock that night, the wives of those chiefs not related to the house of mourning go, accompanied by their members, to visit the bereaved family. The more important women enter, while their humbler followers sit outside. The widows receive their visitors seated, rocking to and fro, crying in a low voice, “ very soft and pitiful: ‘ The chief is sick. The chief is sick to death/” Over the grave a tine cloth is laid, so that all who pass the door of the burial chamber may see—and know. After four or five days, when even the most distant relatives have learned of their bereavement, the new head of the family announces : “ The chief is no more. We will hold the death rites.” A great feast is prepared, and a play given which usually lasts from a fortnight to sixteen days. First of all, the dead man’s eldest son robes himself in white cloth and sallies forth with three or four boys, dressed in like garments and each bearing a skull. About a hundred people, armed with guns, accompany him, while he calls aloud the famous deeds of the dead, such, for instance, as : “ My father has done great things in this place ! He drove back the enemy in time of war,” etc. To each statement the people call back : “ It is true ! It is true ! ” firing their guns in confirmation. When they have thus processed round the town, they come back to the house of mourning and finish for that day. In front of the compound, on the opposite side of the main road, a small hut has been built. The floor is of planks, laid some two feet above the ground, and the walls are decorated with paintings and hung with splendid cloths. All these are of ancient stuffs, every one of which has its name and history. An old woman, who is wise in such things, stands pointing out each, and calling it by name. “ This,” she says, “ is called so-and-so. This bears so-and-so’s name ” ; for those who were the first to find a new kind of cloth and bring it into the town, gave their name to it, so that it was thenceforward called after them. “ Inside this little house sits a figure modelled to represent the dead chief. It is made from the finest pottery- clay, and is seated in an arm-chair, just as in life, with big belly and top hat, robed in its costliest garments. Before Heap of Broken Calabashes and Pots. (Sacrificed to the ‘ ‘ Juju ” when Devils were cast out.) Funeral Hut. (Built for Ghost.) it a table is set with fine china plates and dishes. Every morning new chop must be cooked and placed upon this. Two of the most beautiful maidens of the household, robed in festal attire, stand to fan the figure, one on either hand. After a certain time they are relieved and may go to rest, but must come back again, in turn, till the end of the burial rites. “ Within the compound, from the beginning of the sham funeral, kinsmen and retainers, both men and women, were carrying out their share of the customs. All had to weep publicly, and should two people need to leave the compound for any purpose, custom decreed that they must first call upon the name of the dead man before going out, and again before entering. “ Every chief in the town was expected to have a flag flying in front of his house, and each day, at dawn and evening, cannon were fired—as many as eight at a time for a very great chief.” Of those invited to be present at the sham obsequies, the Cameroons Ekoi were first summoned. The reason for this precedence was said to be because they dwell farther off than any other. It seems to me, however, that the true reason may be found in a substantiation of their claim that Egbo originated among them. Next, their kin on the British side of the border were bidden to attend, and lastly, the Okkobbor tribe from the north-east of the Eket District ; for these three peoples are supposed to excel all others in the art of giving Egbo dances. Before the play began, the chiefs of the “ seven tribes of Calabar ” were invited to be present. These tribes consist of (1) Henshaw Town and Duke Town, which on such occasions count as one because they originally were of the same stock, but divided later owing to a disagreement, the details of which may not be made known for fear of wounding tribal sentiment; (2) Old Town, (3) Creek Town, (4) Adiaobo, (5) ’Mbiaobo, (6) Ikoroffiong and (7) Ikoneto. There is also a “ lost tribe ” of Calabar which was wiped out in the downfall of the great cotton tree that, in their overweening pride of numbers, they thought themselves capable of holding aloft. For the first ceremony of the long series, the guests assemble at about ten o’clock at night. “ Men and boys wearing bells tied at their waists run round the town. More than a hundred of these might be heard ringing and clashing : brang, brang, brang, brang, while their wearers wailed dolefully, E-ku-e-e ! To which came the answer caught up by thousands of throats—‘ E-he, E-he, E-he, E-he, E-he ! ’ ” After this, until quite recent times, a strange and interesting ceremony took place. The eldest daughters of each of the principal families of Calabar came together, dressed like men, in long overcoats and loin-cloths and with male headgear. She who was considered highest in rank and the cleverest and most beautiful among them walked at their head, a live chicken suspended round her neck and a long sceptre in her hand. Fifty to sixty “ eldest born ” followed her, in like apparel, till they came opposite the principal door of the compound. It was specially stated that the leader of such sad processions must be a brave woman—“ one who would not glance timidly round corners nor start back afraid from any danger, but would stand forth boldly before all the people, and pointing her staff toward the dead man’s door, recite in a clear voice his proud titles and gallant deeds.” “ Kinsmen and retainers crowded to hear the tale of the brave actions which their late chief had performed in his youth. At the recital of the power and beauty which had been his, all wept loudly to think that such an one was lost to the light of the sun.” From dawn till about ten o’clock the sad procession encircled the town, stopping at the houses of relatives, and at the meeting-places of societies to which the deceased had belonged. Especially before the Egbo house did they pause and recount his great deeds in full. When the sun grew hot, the celebrants scattered to their homes, but so long as the rite lasted, all the townsfolk crowded verandah and street, listening to the recital, honouring the dead chief and impressing upon their children the need to emulate his fame. The name of this ceremony was Eyet Enwa. To the grief of many of the principal citizens, who believe that it had a strong influence in inducing Efik youth to imitate the mighty deeds of their forebears, it has now been stopped, by missionary effort, on the plea that such customs are displeasing to God. Next day the whole town was unsafe for non-members of Egbo. Women and children stayed trembling within their houses, behind closed doors. The ’Nyampke Image ran through the town, bearing green leaves in its hand, with which it proceeded to beat the sham coffin, which, silk- covered and weighted with plantain stem, was brought out for the purpose. When this had been done, a cry went round the town : “ In two days’ time Egbo will run.” On hearing this, the women and those of the servant class hastened to collect wood, water, and food ; for they well knew that, unless willing to suffer a dearth of such commodities, they must now make plentiful provision for the days to come. About nine o’clock on the appointed night a cry was heard coming from a long way off, as if from the depths of the bush. Then the members of the society took long chains with which to imprison the Egbo, which was thought to have fled from the town on the death of the chief. Many beat drums, and all ran hither and thither, in a scene of wild confusion, crying : “ Here he is ! There he is ! ” Sometimes, in olden days, the Egbo is said to have run to a very far country, the inhabitants of which would keep it, so that it could not return again until a great ransom had been paid for its release. The seekers ran till they were weary ; calling ceaselessly : “ Ekkpe-0-0 ! Where is our Egbo-0 ? ” At times they heard a cry, answering faintly from very far away. Then they ran still faster in whatever direction the voice seemed to come. Long they sought, but, should the spirit still elude them, after midnight they went and called out an ancient woman of one of the ruling families. To her they brought the gift of a white cock, after receiving which she went and stood before the Egbo house. No woman might enter, therefore she remained at the threshold, holding the cock aloft and calling upon the names of the “ Great Ancestors ” one by one. “ Let not our Egbo be lost to us,” she pleaded. “ If he be with you in the realm of the dead, send him back ! Oh, send him back ! ” After this appeal, silence reigned, while all stood listening for some sign or cry. The reason that when their own efforts had failed the dominant sex was forced to entreat feminine aid in order to recover their lost Egbo, was explained as follows : “ They choose an old, old woman to be their advocate, because she is the most fitting representative of that ancient one who founded Egbo.” For the Egbo cult was first a woman’s society ; but in course of time, men, glorying in their strength, wrested its secrets from those to whom they were first entrusted, and learned to play the rites for themselves. Gradually the usurping male drove out the women so completely that a death penalty was proclaimed for any such who should dare to attempt to pierce its mysteries or even become unwitting intruders upon its rites. The feminine origin of the cult is a secret, unknown save to very few even among natives, and hitherto, I believe, carefully guarded from the knowledge of Europeans. Later we were fortunate enough to discover that nearly all the principal secret societies were originally feminine cults, and that in olden days among Ibibio, as until yesterday with the Ekoi, woman, not man, was the dominant sex. Should the ancient crone still call upon the Egbo without result, a libation is poured out before the stone, carved or unhewn, to be found in most Egbo houses. If in the end the call still proves unsuccessful, the old woman is led gently homewards, but usually before going back she cries suddenly : “ He is coming ”—turning at the same time in a certain direction. She then walks toward the point indicated, holding the cock aloft, calling upon the names of the ancestors and praying: “ Send back our Egbo. Send him back. If we have done harm, pardon us ! Keep him not from us in punishment. If he is with you in the ghost realm, send him back ! Oh, send him back ! ” The town is still as death. Not a sound is to be heard save that of the pleading voice, high-pitched and quavering, and the soft thud, thud of the seeker’s unshod hurrying feet. If the Egbo answers, they rush forward and surround the place whence the voice comes ; then move together toward the Egbo bush—the captured spirit supposed to be in their midst. There they “ lock him up ” by rites which there is no breaking, but the secret of which none but full Egbo members may know. Then all go home, worn out by the night’s search, to sleep till about ten o’clock the next morning. When they wake, they first bathe and then robe themselves in the costume of the “ short tail ” dance. This curious appendage is fastened, girdle-wise, round the waist, sticking stiffly out behind.1 The movements of the dance seem meant to represent swimming. First, the left hand is thrown out as if cleaving the water, then the right. He who gives the most realistic and at the same time rhythmic representation is considered the most graceful dancer. For this ceremony each performer must provide himself with a staff or sceptre, the cost of which is said to be from thirty to forty pounds. Next morning the full members again meet together and say : “ Now we must fetch our Egbo back from the bush where he is chained, to dwell once more among us in the Egbo-house.” All set forth, clothed in their costliest, but covered over with sheets, so that their finery may not be shown till they come to the place where Egbo is. Here, in the bush, the “ long tail ” dance is given. The appendage worn on this occasion is even more strange than the “ short tail.” It is fixed on in the same way, but is formed of long canes turned up at the end and finished with peacock’s feathers splayed out fanwise. Feathers are also worn in the hair, and indeed, from many indications, this dance would seem meant to symbolise movement in air, as the other did that through water. Should this supposition be correct, we have here another possible survival of the old ritual bird dances. Once more to quote from the article on Bird and Pillar Worship : “ It may ... be worth pointing out that in the bird- 1 Very much like those of the “satyrs” depicted on ancient Greek vases, especially in the wonderful collection at Syracuse. worship of Egypt the priestess of a bird goddess did actually wear a bird robe,” as in the illustration given " of a Carthaginian priestess on a sarcophagus found at Bord-el- Djedid. The priestess wears the dress of the Egyptian goddess Isis-Nepthys ; her body is hidden by the two wings of the Sacred Vulture, which enfold the hips and cross in front. The vulture’s head appears above the headdress. The colouring of the feathers is vivid blue ... in her right hand she holds a bird. “ This bird-dress is not a mere curiosity. It is a ritual fact of the first importance. What is the good of dressing up as a bird unless the bird is a being stronger and holier than yourself, whose divine nature you seek to put on with his feathers ? ” 1 Since Egbo was originally a woman’s cult, while eagles are still worshipped and vultures regarded—by members of the great Idiong society, which among Ibibio, of whom the Ehk are a branch, is looked upon as more powerful than the Egbo club itself—as inhabited by ancestral spirits, it is quite possible that in olden days the dress for this “ bird dance ” represented vulture or eagle. True, the peacock’s feathers would seem at variance with this idea, or indeed with the imitation of any indigenous bird ; but the feathers of vulture and eagle are still worn for other rites, and it seems probable, as indeed we were told, that they were originally used for this dance also. The colouring of the imported peacocks’ plumage naturally struck the native as superior to the old, sombre-hued feathers. It ousted all others as an Egbo sign, and quickly replaced them in pictured representations of bird symbols. Even in Egypt, as we know from countless enamels and ornaments, as well as from the priestess just referred to, the wings of the sacred vulture were usually represented, not in natural tints, but, with a love of colour keen as that of any present-day black man, of vivid blue.2 To return from these travels far afield to the interrupted description of Egbo rites. 1 J. E. Harrison, “ Bird and Pillar Worship,” Transactions of the Third International Congress of the History of Religions, vol. ii. p. 155. 2 In Part IV. of that admirable quarterly, Ancient Egypt, will be found a series of valuable notes under the title " Egyptian Blue.” During this long-tail dance the Egbo is induced to enter a so-called “ house/’ or large palanquin, borne by six men, who walk inside the palm-leaf walls, bearing the light framework upon their heads, while from the floor level hangs a long palm-leaf fringe which sweeps the ground, concealing, as far as possible, the feet and legs of the bearers. No woman may see the mystery within, though on one occasion the Provincial Commissioner, Mr. Copland Crawford, and myself were allowed to part the leaves and glance between—only to find the structure empty. Hundreds of people march on either side, each waving a palm branch in both hands. Before the so-called “ house ” walks, first of all, a man of high position, bearing a sceptre, and with a live white chicken hung round his neck. His position was formerly one not only of honour but danger, for behind him follows a man holding the- sword called Ika, which he keeps shaking close to the neck of the leader. According to old custom, should the latter stumble or let fall his sceptre, before he could raise himself the blade fell and his head rolled in the dust. Behind these two follow those of the “ free born,” who hold positions of power, and are therefore permitted to wear a coronet. In addition, some hold two-headed staves the price of which is said to reach as much as ninety pounds, which at intervals they shake three times in the direction of the portable house. Round their ankles the attendants wear strips of cow-hide thickly sewn with little bells. They dance in couples, while women and non-members, who have gathered together to witness the triumphal return of the Egbo, keep up a running accompaniment by beating the hand over the open mouth, crying at the same time, “ O-wo-wo-wo.” “ During this procession all were safe. The spirit seemed quiet, and never did anything to terrify or harm the spectators ; but as the Egbo shed was neared, ‘ wise men ’ used to get their wives and children together and send them away softly, softly. Those, on the other hand, who had ‘ a bad neck ’ (i.e. were stubborn) stayed on, and to these trouble came at last. Forty yards or so from the club-house, while the people were still singing and beating their mouths, the voice of the Egbo was suddenly heard to call from the shed. Then the procession fell upon the palm-leaf shelter and tore it to bits. Behold, a wonderful thing ! There was nothing inside save the bearers ! The Egbo, which, all the way, had been heard crying from within, had now fled invisibly to his home ! So soon as his voice sounded thence, ’Nyamkpe Egbo ran out with a long whip and flogged all non-members who had dared remain. A great feast was then given for those who belonged to the society.” Meantime the country people were arriving in their canoes, sometimes two, sometimes three parties in one day, for many members of the Calabar Egbo, who dwell in faraway farms or villages, come back to join in the rites. Later, all the “ Images ” went together to the head chief’s compound, flogging on their way any non-member found walking in the streets. This state of affairs sometimes lasted from dawn till evening time ; but as soon as dusk fell the danger was over. Men and women might then come out in safety. Gifts were now borne to the bereaved family, and the Egbo “ Ebunko,” dressed in splendid robes, sallied forth to visit them. Before separating for the night, the announcement was made : “ To¬ morrow is ’Nyamkpe day ! ’Nyamkpe will go to the bush to-morrow ! ” At dawn, therefore, bells were heard ringing in every quarter of the town. Non-members bolted their doors and stayed within, for should any woman or person not belonging to the society be caught outside, there was no help for them. They were put to death on sight. In the ’Nyamkpe bush, arrangements as to the division of the deceased’s property were made by the chiefs, and a very sacred play was given, jealously guarded from all eyes save those of the initiated, details of which it is not lawful to betray to non-members. When the procession returned to the house of mourning, another “play” was given, and kept up all through the night. Next morning, after time had been allowed for the fetching of wood and water, the announcement used to be made : “ To-day Okuakama Egbo is going to bush.” Again warning bells were heard ringing and drums beating, but in a different manner from those played for other grades. In the afternoon Okuakama came back to the house of mourning, and performed according to custom. Next day it was announced that Oklo, the “ Brass Egbo,” was going to bush. He usually started about three to four o’clock in the morning, in a canoe splendidly decorated, for the Image refused to embark except in a gaily ornamented boat. No canoes save those belonging to full Egbo members might pass along the river at this time, on penalty of death to those within. In the afternoon Oklo returned, in full state, to the house of mourning. The last “ Egbo ” of all to perform was that of the highest grade, ’Nkanda. The Image went to bush at dawn, and every one was allowed to see him on the way back, for he and all his attendants were very splendid. Round him his emblems were borne on long poles and near him walked the bearer of the great hoop, “ Ekarre ’Nkanda.” While in full view of the people, the Image would usually start .0 run, and the man who bore the ’Nkanda circle must follow him. After he had run round about five times, women and non-members began to slip away, for they knew what was coming. Up till the sixth round it was safe for all, but at the seventh the Egbo sprang forth. The man with Ekarre ’Nkanda ran after him, but he was very vigorous, and would chase any non-member rash enough to stay, till the latter all but died of exhaustion. In fact, death has been known to result. Afterwards the company went to the house of mourning and finished all Egbo ceremonies. The Image went back again to his own house, and sallied forth no more for that time. With this, so far as outsiders were concerned, the long funeral rites were at an end.1 One night towards the close of the ceremonies the whole of the dead man’s kin went to some place about half a mile from the town, where cross-roads meet. There they built the “ ghost hut ” called Oyoho, corre- 1 The women’s share in such celebrations is described in Woman’s Mysteries of a Primitive People. sponding to the central Ibibio Ngwumu.1 This was a small shed, finely painted and decorated. Here they cooked delicate food, and set it out for the refreshment of the dead man’s spirit. When the funeral rites were quite over, the “ small Egbo ” was brought there, and the little house destroyed. Among some Efik and nearly all other Ibibio, a figure carved to represent the dead man is usually set up within the house of his heir, and to this, at intervals, offerings are brought, that, in weal or woe, his spirit may still watch over his descendants. With Ibibio and Efik, as with the Greeks of old, a certain amount must be discounted from the splendour of description in all accounts which are of native authorship. Just as the heroes of Homer passed through “ shining doors,” reclined upon “ splendid couches,” and drove in “ polished chariots,” while even the soiled linen borne to the washing by Nausicaa and her maids is spoken of, under the glamour of the poet, as “ shining robes,” so also might things which from a native point of view may justly be described as “ very splendid ” or “ most costly,” seem to us worthy of less magnificent terms. Since ideas of splendour are but relative, unless describing a scene witnessed by ourselves, I have thought better to give it as closely as possible as it appears to native spectators. However we may look upon such things, the way in which the best and costliest of the family possessions are sacrificed to ensure the comfort of the dead in the spirit realm, shows real devotion and a genuine affection for the departed, which, if mistaken in its expression, is worthy of respect. In all cases reported to us, the dead, no matter of what age, sex, or standing, were carried to burial feet foremost. Proved witches and wizards, as also mothers of twins and other undesirables, might not be borne out by the door, but through a hole purposely broken in the wall. This opening was afterwards filled up, that the unwelcome ghosts might be unable to find their way back again. The same custom prevails in Siam ; and indeed it would appear to be a law affecting ghosts and evil spirits the world over, 1 See p. 143. that, as they may only depart by the place of entry, so also they may only re-enter by the aperture through which their exit was made : For devils and for spectres this is law : Where they have entered in, there also they withdraw.1 1 Faust, Scene iii.